一 | (ECNS)-- China's newly implemented Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law has elicited a predictable response from certain Western media outlets. Whenever ethnic unity is referenced, some Western critics rush to frame it as "assimilation" or a push for uniform national identity. Fan Yichou, associate professor at the Law School of Minzu University of China, argues that such misinterpretations arise primarily from projecting Western historical nation-state building trajectories onto China's ethnic policies. Put simply, some Western observers do not view China from the perspective of its domestic social realities, but rather judge it through the lens of their own historical experience. Fan argued that the traditional Western nation-state model rests on a core premise: one ethnic community ought to align with one sovereign state, with political boundaries largely overlapping ethnic territories. To build culturally homogeneous nation-states, most Western powers historically sought to eradicate internal ethnic diversity through assimilation, exclusion, and other coercive measures. Such nation-building drives were often accompanied by territorial conquest, mass population displacement, and systemic violence. He drew on arguments laid out by Canadian political philosopher Will Kymlicka, who observes that the classical European template of nation-building rested on an implicit consensus: states should strive to become culturally homogeneous, by either assimilating national minorities or expelling them. For centuries, this ideal of a mono-national state shaped state policy across almost all Western European countries, with Switzerland stands out as the only major exception. This deep-rooted historical trajectory continues to frame contemporary discourse on ethnic governance. A stark modern illustration emerged in 2025, when Danish local authorities took away the newly-born daughter of an 18-year-old Inuit mother from Greenland just one hour after birth following a controversial parenting competency assessment. Her case was far from isolated. According to reports by the BBC and other media outlets, another Greenlandic mother had all three of her children under state custody. She was first subjected to a so-called parenting competency test after social services raised concerns about the language development of her eldest daughter. Although the Danish government has decided to stop using such tests on Greenlandic families, local authorities have yet to halt the practice. The enduring harm of assimilationist policies extends far beyond this Danish case. UNESCO’s Memory of the World archives document that Canada's Indigenous residential school system continuously operated for nearly 150 years, with the explicit state objective of assimilating Indigenous children into settler society. Generations of Indigenous children were forcibly separated from their families, severed from their ancestral languages, cultural traditions, and intergenerational knowledge systems. The United States has grappled with comparable challenges. According to a 2025 Associated Press report, Native American children in California are roughly about four times more likely to enter the foster-care system than their peers. Newborns separated from their mother shortly after birth. Generations of children torn apart from their families and ancestral languages. Indigenous youth who remain vastly overrepresented in foster-care placements to this day. All these are legacies of the West's long-standing obsession with assimilation. That explains why, when some in the West hear China speak of "ethnic unity," they instinctively equate it with "assimilation." In reality, they are projecting their own social trauma onto China. China's context, however, is fundamentally different. As Fan Yichou notes, China has long been a unified multi-ethnic country. Within the Chinese tradition, political unity has not demanded cultural uniformity. Instead, unity and diversity have coexisted across most of the nation's history. This outlook finds theoretical expression in the concept of plurality-in-unity put forward by renowned Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong. In his framework, China's 56 ethnic groups represent the plurality, whereas the Chinese nation embodies unity. From this perspective, the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law is not designed to eliminate ethnic differences. Instead, it seeks to strengthen a shared sense of belonging while respecting cultural diversity. This distinction highlights a broader divergence between China and the West in approaching identity and social cohesion. In many Western societies, historical assimilation sought to diminish group differences and compel minority groups to conform to dominant-culture norms. By contrast, China's emphasis on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is not intended to obliterate diversity. It seeks to build shared civic and national identity, while enabling all ethnic groups to sustain their own languages, customs, and cultural traditions. Ethnic groups may speak different languages, practice different customs, and vary in development level. Yet they can still uphold shared dedication to national progress and a common sense of belonging within a unified multi-ethnic state. Genuine ethnic unity does not require everyone to fit into the same mold. It means ensuring that different ethnic groups can participate in national development while maintaining their own cultural characteristics and thriving with equal dignity and equitable opportunities. So when some in the West equate China's "ethnic unity" with "assimilation," their judgment stems not from an accurate assessment of China’s reality, but from a subconscious projection of their own historical burdens, contemporary social anxieties, and deep-rooted institutional scars onto China's ethnic policies. They are either unwilling or unable to fully comprehend China's governance philosophy and practices, yet arbitrarily pass arrogant judgment on the country. The outcome of this biased approach will be no exception of absurd narratives that fundamentally contradict objective reality. 
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二 | 一路平安，再见。驾车通过高速收费站时，你总会听到收费员这样的问候，并伴随着标志性的职业微笑。几平方米的收费岗亭里的工作，很多时候都被认为是重复单调，并缺乏交流的。
三 | 交费，抬杆，就此告别。你在祖国将近20万公里的高速公路上驶向广阔天地，想象小房间里的收费员该如何打发枯燥的上班时间。殊不知那个年轻人头一转，就和直播间里的家人们侃侃而谈，同步即时路况信息，偶尔还来上一段才艺表演。 这是正在发生的故事。从2024年开始，全国各地的高速收费站纷纷在抖音账号上开始直播。从广东到甘肃到云南，各省收费员陆续开启了平均每天4-6小时的“直播上班”，在完成日常工作的空档与观众交流。 刺猬公社（ID：ciweigongshe）不完全统计，当前活跃的抖音高速收费站账号至少有几十个，直播在线人数从十几人到近千人不等。收费站直播因何兴起？看直播的人都是谁？带着这样的问题，我们通过抖音直播，对收费员主播们进行了一次“在线探班”。
四 | 为什么要在收费站直播？ 在广西吴圩南收费站，抖音主播“小吴在路上”开始了一天的工作，她今天要同时完成收费员和主播这两项职业的任务——在从窗口不断递出通行卡，迎来送往的间隙，抽空看两条弹幕，给出及时的回复。
五 | 这是一个车流量很高的收费站，不时有大车通过。两小时的直播时间里，收费员显得很忙碌，身体一会儿转向收费窗口完成本职工作，一会儿转向屏幕回复线上提问，说话密度很高，基本没停下过。
六 | 好在无论是哪门职业，微笑服务的态度总没错，“小吴在路上”工作与读弹幕时的温柔和耐心也让很多在线观众在直播间里驻留。 点进“小吴在路上”的抖音主页，便能发现“小吴”并不是一个人，而是吴圩南收费站的直播团队，账号头像也是三个穿着工装的收费员。相关资料显示，吴圩南收费站隶属于广西新发展交通集团有限公司，在今年6月27日用“小吴在路上”的抖音账号开始直播，并在7月让主播团队接受了直播运营、互动技巧等方面的专业培训。 更多的高速运营公司则直接用官方抖音号直播，如东格高速、云兰高速、新鸡高速、广那高速、汕湛高速等，去年和今年正是这些高速账号开始着重发力的两年，曾经“隐身”在高速路背后的团队，今天的工作越来越可视化。
七 | 值得一提的是，其中有很多格式相似的账号名称——定西PPP高速“陇芋通”、天水高速“樱桃红”、酒泉高速“金胡杨”、环兰高速“金百合”等，都是以甘肃省内高速名字与其对应的服务品牌来命名。收费站直播，也是高速企业品牌前期建设并扩大影响力的重要步骤。
八 | 从便民服务、公路养护到应急救援等工作，都能通过新媒体侧的运营得到展现。它们的直播方式也都像“小吴在路上”一样，采用收费员轮岗制，谁上班谁就开播。 如果收费站直播更多是企业层面的决策的话，那收费员们是否愿意接受自己主播这一新的身份定位呢？ 我在上述的四五个直播间里发言，询问当值主播开播是否来自公司要求，以及是否有直播时长规定和薪资奖励。她们均表示是自愿开播，没有硬性要求，但也没有额外的绩效。其中一位说在确定直播人选时，领导会找合适的人谈话，比如开朗健谈一些的就会被鼓励开播，但最终要不要直播还是看个人意愿。 从个人的实际观看体验上来说，绝大多数收费员主播在直播时都保持着饱满的热情（当然弹幕也有人打趣地提到主播深夜开播会打瞌睡），并能和观众进行高频率的互动。在福建、广西、广东等沿海地区开播的收费站总体会更忙碌一些，直播内容以简洁地回复弹幕和答疑解惑为主。 而对于车流量较少的收费站，直播聊天也是一种坐班时的沟通和消遣，收费员主播会和观众就一个话题进行长时间的延展。例如在观看永大高速永仁—大姚段的莲池收费站的直播中，我就知道了当地的豆浆鱼和驴肉是值得打卡的美食。即使是漫不经心的闲聊，很大程度上也是能给到观众一次地道本地旅游指南，以细致且人性化的方式，将高速和文旅串联在了一起。 一条简便的“客服热线” 在全国遍地开花的收费站直播中，我在所有直播间都看到有弹幕询问ETC和“绿通”相关的问题，主播会都对这些疑问进行第一时间的详尽解答。我才意识到，收费站直播的最大受众，可能并不是无聊解闷想来听歌聊天的网友，而是在公路上行驶工作着的货车司机。
九 | “绿通”是鲜活农产品运输绿色通道的简称，符合绿通标准的运输车辆，可以享受免收通行费的优惠政策。司机们往往对自己是否是合规的“绿通车”有很多疑问，如免费品种范围、整车装载要求、重量与尺寸限制等等。虽然可以在政府官网和交通运输部的微信公众号上查询到政策的具体细节，但比起费劲地找网页翻表格，找个开播收费站问一问显然要方便得多。 “绿通”农产品品种目录规定得相当细致。图源中国政府网 “绿通车”通过收费站是最耗时的。直播时间内，主播有时会要离开收费岗亭和镜头，往往都是因为有绿通车来，要去帮忙查验。因此，货车司机更想在出发之前就让自己达到符合绿通标准的状态，而为了生活，拉一趟货总是要满打满算地装。 那超限的容忍度在哪里？有什么可以合理调整的空间？规定鲜活农产品要占车辆载货质量或容积的80%，哪些农产品算质量合适？哪些又算体积合适？在直播间内，这些疑问都能得到一手的交流和反馈，收费员主播不仅能提供较权威的解答，更有处理现实情况的丰富经验，能帮助绿通车顺利通行。 广泛分布的收费站直播点，能让司乘人员第一时间通过直播间了解到所在地具体的路况信息，进行出行参考，也能在旅途中获取更多便捷的服务和帮助。 如河北青银高速铜冶收费站在国庆前的直播，既展示了站前拥堵状况，帮助人们错峰出行，也介绍了收费站附近充电桩、应急药品与临时疏导点等便民信息；而中铁昆倘高速则在款庄收费站旁建设了24小时开放的综合服务驿站，配备了医药箱、微波炉、咖啡机、雨伞等设施，并通过直播让更多出行人员了解到，在这里可以得到怎样具体的服务与帮助。 直播是一个窗口，它背后承载的是整个高速公路运营模式的转型升级。我们能看到一场变革，正在高速公路行业内部，同时在收费站直播间内发生着。 直播间内，一门传统职业的进化 在社交媒体上，你还能找到很多收费员工作的“劝退帖”。毕竟在大多数人的印象中，收费员就是每天枯坐在座位上，是一个高度程序化的岗位。但现在，直播正在改变这种刻板的认知，全天无论早晚，你总能在直播间里找到那个和你谈笑畅聊的收费员，而这一次她们脸上的，显然并不是假笑。 直播镜头重塑了收费员的身份，也提升了这一职业的价值感。当她们就具体问题每天为上百名司机答疑解惑时，她们不仅是客服，也是尽职尽责的“官方发言人”；当她们把当地农业特产介绍到直播间时，当她们穿上特色的民族服饰开播时，她们很大程度上，也已经成了本地文旅的代言人。 在过去的不少劝退帖下，收费员被评价为一份稳定适合养老，但完全没有职业发展的工作。有做过收费员的年轻人曾现身说法：收费员的工作很熬人，一个人的热情和创造力会迅速在这个岗位上被磨灭掉。 而直播为这门职业注入了新的活力，它让每一场直播也成为了年轻人提升个人素质的舞台——在官方账号下直播，主播需要快速组织语言，灵活面对各种提问，有时需要管理直播间的秩序，甚至要去妥善处理少数不怀好意带节奏的弹幕，这对收费员的沟通能力也是很大的历练。 当网友通过屏幕，跟着收费员在窗口和镜头间辗转，目睹她要同时完成收费和直播两项工作时，也会对这份职业产生更深层次的理解和共情，看到高速公路背后的温度，甚至可以在各个高速直播间播连麦时，加入到收费员的“带薪闲聊”中。
十 | 中国大陆第一条开放通行的收费高速公路是1988年的沈大高速，那也是收费员这一职业在国内诞生的日子，距今已有37年。从递出通行卡到点开直播键，高速收费站封闭的岗亭，大概已不再适用于当下的时代，于是它在直播间里开启了一场进化——它不再是一个冰冷的通行费征收点，而变成了一个集信息发布、客服咨询、文化传播与情感联结于一体的现代化服务节点。 下次路过那个熟悉的收费站时，你可以向岗亭里多看那么一眼。那个微笑着向你道别的工作人员，可能也正在通过直播间，和更广阔的世界相连。 或许，我们也可以忘掉前文一切赋予收费站直播间的宏大意义。生活太短，工作太长。上班时有人说说话，其实就挺好。
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